An on-line journal of articles and musings forbidden by the mainstream media.
Tuesday, April 27, 2010
Classic Race Hoaxes, from Tawana Brawley to Florida By Nicholas Stix
February, 2001 Middle American News
Perpetrating and supporting increasingly obvious race hoaxes has become the main way that American blacks interact with whites. In a time when white racism is on the wane, hoaxes offer a dramatic way of promoting unfounded black grievances. It will be instructive to examine the biggest race hoaxes, so that those Americans who refuse to be cowed can better prepare themselves, for the hoax next time.
1987: The Tawana Brawley Hoax. Fifteen-year-old Tawana Brawley, a black girl from Wappingers Falls, New York, disappeared for a weekend. When Brawley reappeared, she claimed that “white cops” had kidnapped and gang-raped her.
Brawley was soon joined by a trio of “advisers,” activist attorneys Alton Maddox and C. Vernon Mason, and the Rev. Al Sharpton, who had her refuse to cooperate with the very authorities seeking to help bring her “attackers” to justice. The Brawley advisors’ perverse combination of strident demands for justice, AND a militant refusal to cooperate with authorities—a position commonly associated with criminals—flummoxed liberal, New York State attorney general Robert Abrams and Gov. Mario Cuomo. The advisors came to be known in some quarters as “The Three Stooges.”
The advisors would invent “rapists” out of thin air, and then charge that anyone alibiing for a “rapist” was himself a “rapist.” When Tawana’s mother, Glenda Brawley, was subpoenaed to testify before a grand jury, the advisors spirited her away to the sanctuary of a church, as if she were a victim of persecution. Alton Maddox proclaimed that Attorney General Abrams “masturbated” in front of pictures of Brawley, while the Rev. Sharpton linked the Irish Republican Army to the “abduction” and “rape.”
The media slavishly repeated every wild, unsubstantiated charge made by the Brawley advisors, while refusing to pursue compelling evidence that Brawley had fabricated her charges. That evidence included a witness who had seen Brawley place herself in a garbage bag in the vacant lot where she was found, and the rape technician’s finding, that Brawley showed no physical signs of rape, was faking rape trauma ... and was a terrible actress!
The media also refused to delve into Tawana Brawley’s background, even though her folks more closely resembled a criminal association than a family. Her mother, Glenda, had been convicted of welfare fraud, and her stepfather [actually, her mother’s live-in boyfriend], Ralph King, had calmly fired six bullets into the brain of his sleeping, first wife.
The truth: Brawley had partied with her boyfriend, and concocted the hoax to avoid the wrath of her murderous stepfather, Ralph King. She had been neither kidnapped nor raped, and had never crossed paths with the dead trooper or Steven Pagones. A grand jury voted to throw out Brawley’s charges, with the abstention of its lone black member. Although a case could easily have been made that Brawley and her mother had obstructed justice [not to mention that the mother, boyfriend, advisors, and Brawley had engaged in wire fraud to the tune of hundreds of thousands of dollars], and that Tawana had lied to the authorities, neither daughter nor mother was ever charged in the case.
1996: The Church Arson Hoax. Black activists, and white civil rights lawyer, Morris Dees’ Southern Poverty Law Center, charged that a conspiracy of white supremacists was committing a wave of arsons against black churches all over the country. The activists were aided immensely by the mainstream media, which parroted their charges, and President William Jefferson Clinton, who pronounced the arsons a “national crisis.”
The truth: Not only was there no network of white supremacist arsonists, there was not even an upsurge in the number of black church arsons, some of which had in fact been set by blacks. Actually, the majority of church arsons continued to hit WHITE churches. And while Morris Dees raised millions for a fund to rebuild black churches, virtually none of the money went to rebuilding black churches.
1996: Texaco. As black employees pursued a frivolous, racial discrimination lawsuit against Texaco Oil, Jesse Jackson claimed that a white Texaco executive had uttered the “n” word, as well as a racist remark involving “black and white jelly beans,” in a private conversation with a white, fellow executive, which the latter had secretly taped. Jackson used the racism charge to justify calling for a national, black boycott of the oil company.
The truth: Jesse lied. The Texaco executive had never said the “n” word. As for the “racist” jelly bean analogy, the white executive was merely quoting the highly paid, black diversity consultant who had been lecturing and hectoring company executives.
But the hoax worked. Texaco’s executives caved in, like a cheap suitcase. Not only did Jackson not apologize, let alone pay for his slanderous charges, but the truth had no effect whatsoever on his demeanor or tactics. He demanded payoffs and promotions for all of Texaco’s black employees, and got both -- including $176 million in reparations.
1997-present: Racial profiling. Across America, black “civil rights leaders” and media pundits have insisted that racist, white policemen routinely round up and arrest, and even murder, innocent black men.
The truth: Police and prosecutors in the urban areas where most blacks are concentrated, have instituted an “affirmative action” program, such that many violent crimes are “disappeared” or “redefined” as non-crimes. The New York City, Philadelphia, and Boca Raton, Florida police departments have been caught systematically undercounting violent felonies.
Additionally, increasing numbers of white police officers—often under explicit orders—routinely avoid confrontations with minority males, who now riot, pillage, and loot in front of police, without fear of arrest. Law enforcement’s racial conflict phobia reached surreal proportions in the race riots in Crown Heights, Brooklyn in 1991; Los Angeles in 1992 and again in 2000; New York’s Central Park in 2000; and most recently, in Seattle during Mardi Gras celebrations in late February, 2001.
In 1997, black New York activists, who had sought to destabilize the mayoralty of white Republican Rudolph Giuliani since Giuliani’s November, 1993 election, latched on to the Brooklyn torture case of Haitian immigrant Abner Louima. NYPD officer Justin Volpe had sodomized Louima with a stick. (During Volpe’s trial, he confessed to the crime, and was sentenced to 30 years in prison.) Activists insisted that the Louima case, which was in fact singular in New York history, was typical of “Giuliani time,” a phrase that Louima had claimed one of the police officers attacking him had used. (Louima later admitted having lied, saying that the brother of one of his nurses had invented the phrase for him.)
The activists were aided by mainstream news editors’ political decision to cease running exposés on the NYPD’s practice of underreporting violent crime, and thus crime by minority males. Editors led instead with stories, many of them fraudulent, insisting that police routinely persecuted innocent, minority males; ran stories suggesting that unrelated police shootings of black suspects across America were part of a murderous, nationwide conspiracy of racist, white policemen; and continued their longstanding policy of refusing to report black-on-white hate crimes.
In 1999, the activist-media alliance exploited the case of Amadou Diallo, the Guinean immigrant accidentally shot to death by four white NYPD officers in The Bronx in 1999. Elected Democratic Party officials carried out a two-month-long civil disobedience campaign, which resulted in over 1,000 arrests. The campaign sought to cripple the NYPD, weaken New York City Mayor rudolph Giuliani’s Senate candidacy (which he eventually gave up, due to prostate cancer), and strengthen the candidacy of his opponent, Hillary Clinton.
Since 1999, while continuing to exploit the Diallo case, the alliance has added every new police shooting of a black man to its indictment of the NYPD.
2000-present: The Florida Disenfranchisement Hoax: Begun by Jesse Jackson, blacks and the media have claimed that tens of thousands of black Floridians were illegally barred from voting by police roadblocks; illegal demands for photo ID; poll workers who insisted to registered, black voters that the latter were not registered; and even by “dogs and guns.” The massive disenfranchisement of black voters allegedly resulted in Mr. Bush’s theft of Florida’s electoral votes, and thus of the Presidency.
The truth: Not only were no black Floridians deliberately disenfranchised, thousands of black felons and unregistered college students, virtually all of whom voted for Vice-President Al Gore, voted illegally.
Although the NAACP has repeatedly asserted that it has thousands of affidavits from disenfranchised black Florida voters, it has produced no affidavits or disenfranchised voters. Zero. No black voters complained to state officials in Florida. And when the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights held hearings in Florida on January 11-12, 2001 on the disenfranchisement charges, only three black voters appeared as witnesses. Under questioning, each in turn admitted that he had successfully voted, without being interfered with. Meanwhile, the Commission ignored evidence of intimidation of voters by Democratic operatives in Miami’s Little Haiti section, and of illegal voting by black felons and illegal or double-voting by black college students. Even the socialist Miami Herald newspaper reported on February 26, that using the most liberal standard, George W. Bush had won the Florida race. Again.
A Chip Off the Old Block Jackson Family Values, Part IV By Nicholas Stix
November 16, 2000 Toogood Reports
In my three previous columns, I talked about a man whose contempt for federal election law and due process has led him to attempt to steal a Presidential election. His name: Jesse Jackson.
Now I want to talk about another man with a similar contempt for federal election law. His name: Jesse Jackson.
In the former case, I was talking about the Rev. Jesse Jackson, the founder and leader of PUSH (People United to Save Humanity)/Rainbow Coalition. In the latter case, I was talking about Cong. Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-Ill.), who has represented Chicago’s Second Congressional District since 1996, and who, according to his website, was born while his father was marching in Selma, Alabama with Martin Luther King Jr.
A November 7 Newsmax.com article reported that on November 6, Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr. had bragged about all the electioneering that had been done by Democrats in black churches. On Steve Gill and Terry Hopkins’ WLAC-AM show, Nashville This Morning, the following exchange occurred: GILL: Let me ask you about this. It’s against IRS regulations for politicians to campaign from the pulpit. Why are these politicians campaigning in black churches?
JACKSON: I’m not totally convinced that’s true in the African-American community. Certainly there’s a separation of church and state. But in our community there’s little distinction between our religion and our politics. ... And so in many African-American churches born out of experience in this country, the role of the churches has evolved into a very, very active political institution which has been very effective for a number of causes in the black community.
HOPKINS: And that supersedes the law?
JACKSON: Absolutely. Oh, absolutely.
According to federal election law, churches that permit on-premise electioneering—in other words, most black churches—forfeit their tax-exempt status.
At WLAC-FM, the producer of Morning in Nashville, Patrick Hennessy, assured me, “It’s word for word on Newsmax. That’s exactly what he said. We’ve got it on tape.”
Patrick Hennessy continued, “It was a Monday. Al Gore had been politicking in black churches,” which set the stage for co-host Steve Gill’s question. “What got us, was when he said, ‘Absolutely. Oh, absolutely.’“
The apple didn’t fall far from the tree.
Needless to say, the mainstream national media ignored the story. Meanwhile, the Chicago newspapers were apparently closed for an election-eve vacation, and the New York Times didn’t find it “fit to print.”
As everyone in America knows, federal laws exist as bludgeons for blacks to use on whites. As Cong. Jackson emphasized, apparently contradicting himself, “Certainly there’s a separation of church and state.” When you understand the race code, an apparent contradiction becomes instead a double-standard: ‘Certainly there’s a separation of church and state, where whites are concerned. But that doesn’t hold in the African-American community.’
When was the last time blacks were punished for violating federal law? (For that matter, when was the first time?) Specifically, when have you ever heard of a black church losing its tax-exempt status for electioneering?
The Jackson family’s war on the election laws is simply the logical outcome of affirmative action: If blacks are to be exempted from having to follow rules and laws that are vigorously, even draconianly applied to whites; encouraged and empowered by the government to engage in [felony] racial extortion, institutional racism, racist jury nullification, and given rigged congressional races; then they cannot be faulted for expecting to have the right to nullify a presidential election.
As Bill Clinton used to say, “Change is good”! What about it, Rev. Jackson and Cong. Jackson? How about, for a radical change, you started honoring the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the laws of these United States?
Gettin’ Paid Jackson Family Values, Part III By Nicholas Stix
November 15, 2000 Toogood Reports
Of late, the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s star had apparently fallen. The man who for so long had enjoyed, unchallenged, the unofficial title of the nation’s leading racist and anti-Semite, er, I mean, “civil rights leader,” had been snubbed by some white journalists, who bestowed that honor on now the Rev. Al Sharpton, now Min. Louis Farrakhan.
Previously, the Rev. Jackson’s greatest successes in nullifying due process had come at the expense of the Decatur, Illinois School Board last year, and Texaco Oil in 1996.
In 1996, Jackson was able to subvert justice, in the case of a group of black employees’ baseless racial discrimination lawsuit against Texaco.
His method: To keep repeating publicly, with the help of the mainstream news media, the lie, according to which a white Texaco executive had made racist remarks, including the “n” word, during a private conversation with a white peer.
The peer had tried to make himself look good, by secretly recording the conversation, and leaking it to the media. We heard the “bad” executive talk about the “black jellybeans” stuck at the bottom of the bag, which we were told was racist talk, and were told by Jackson & Co.—though we never heard it on the tape—that the “bad” executive had said the “n” word.
Only the “bad” executive had never uttered the “n” word. Rather, for lack of any “incriminating” statement, Jackson and his minions insisted that a garbled transmission of part of the executive’s conversation was the magic word.
That would be the word that American blacks utter hundreds of millions of times a day, usage which the media and government are deaf to, as they are deaf to blacks’ routine use of racist epithets against whites. That is the same word which whites have long stopped saying publicly -- and in many areas, even privately, yet which blacks—with the help of the media and the government—now increasingly charge whites with having said.
In the Texaco executive’s other supposedly racist statement, he merely quoted a dopey analogy which had been made by a black “diversity consultant” hired by Texaco.
No matter. Texaco’s executives caved in, like a cheap suitcase.
Not only did the Rev. Jackson not apologize, let alone pay for his slanderous charges, but the truth had no effect whatsoever on his demeanor or tactics. He demanded payoffs to Texaco’s black employees, and he got ‘em—$176 million, to be exact. Likewise, he demanded promotions for Texaco’s black employees, and he got them, too.
As for the “jelly beans,” that’s the way “diversity consultants” talk. For a few million dollars a year each, these rabid racists go to corporations, universities, and public schools and agencies, and race-bait white personnel, lie shamelessly about American society and history, and encourage black personnel and students to engage openly in racist acts against white colleagues and superiors, and classmates and professors. These guys make O.J. look like a real gent.
(In 1993, Heather MacDonald wrote a classic expose on diversity consultants in The New Republic, and Alan Kors and Harvey Silverglate devote a good deal of their 1998 book, The Shadow University, to them. Kors and Silverglate have since founded an organization, “FIRE,” to combat attacks on civil liberties. FIRE’s website, thefire.org, contains an extensive expose on diversity consultants.)
In many such cases today, Texaco and other corporations don’t hire qualified black staffers and executives in spite of their color, and then systematically discriminate against them in promotions. Rather, the corporations discriminate on behalf of blacks, in hiring and later promoting them exclusively due to their skin color, in spite of their inadequacies.
Anyone with a lick of sense could have told Texaco’s chiefs, that in hiring a diversity consultant -- whose only job is to get rich through racial extortion, while causing further racial strife -- and hiring people because they were black, they might as well have made a budget line for the money they were going to lose through litigation, extortion, and loss of business due to racist black customer boycotts.
It’s hard to feel any compassion for Texaco’s craven executives. I’m not enough of a moral philosopher to tell you who is worse: The racist, or the coward who appeases him.
Then, in 1999, came Decatur.
When six students rioted at a high school football game in Decatur, Illinois, they were all expelled from school for two years, as per the school’s “zero-tolerance” policy.
The offenders had all been caught on videotape, stomping the hell out of other students in the stands. The thugs in question were all black.
Camping out for weeks in Decatur, and even getting himself arrested for trespassing, when he sought to illegally enter the school building, Jesse Jackson demanded that the suspensions be lifted.
Decatur, 1999, was not Birmingham, 1963.
Like the dissolute “trust-fund kid” who blows on drugs and debauchery the inheritance that his hard-working grandfather had bequeathed him, the “civil rights movement” squandered all the moral capital that its founders had so carefully accumulated.
Instead of saving men on death row -- the Scottsboro Boys -- who had been framed for a non-existent “rape,” or defending the right of a black lady -- in the person of Rosa Parks -- to sit anywhere she chose on a bus, “civil rights” deteriorated into extortion (Texaco, Denny’s, etc.), defending the rights of violent punks to riot (Decatur), and finally, standing tall for the right of a convicted murderer, who bragged of the victims whose lives he had snuffed out, to kill (Gary Graham, in Texas).
After intervention by Illinois’ Republican Gov. George Ryan, Decatur school authorities reduced the expulsions to one year. Jackson’s response was to demand that the expulsions be nullified, all the while denying, with a straight face, that the issue was racial.
And the suspensions WERE nullified: The guilty parties were permitted to attend an alternative school during the year they were to be “expelled.”
But still Jackson wouldn’t take “yes” for an answer. He wanted the thugs to be permitted to return to their old school after getting mere “C”s and ostensibly engaging in good behavior at the alternative school for a couple of months.
There was something mean and cheap about Decatur. But at least, with the media’s (and those evil Republicans’) cooperation, the Rev. Jackson was once again able to hog the national spotlight, and nullify due process. But he needed something big, in order to regain his lost stature.
Looking at Florida, Jackson apparently decided that this was his last, best hope. He would steal a national election, and thereby reassert his status as the proper heir to MLK.
After all, when blacks openly, repeatedly violate federal election law, they are given a free pass. Which brings us, in my next column, to Chicago Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr.
Whose Rights? Our Rights! Jackson Family Values, Part II By Nicholas Stix
November 14, 2000 Toogood Reports
As Jesse Jackson reportedly said at a November 8 press conference in West Palm Beach, Florida, “Citizens were disenfranchised; the full weight of Florida law and the Voting Rights Act should come to bear in this matter. This is critical to our national interests ... This undermines the integrity of our democracy.”
The relevant code-word used by the Rev. Jackson was “the Voting Rights Act.” Initially passed by Congress in 1965 with the noble purpose of preventing blacks from being disenfranchised via various ruses then popular in the South, including selectively-enforced poll taxes and literacy tests, the Voting Rights Act has since been perverted by the Justice Department—more under white Republicans than Democrats of any color—to rig elections.
The feds’ preferred method of election-rigging has been to racially gerrymander districts so that they are “majority-minority,” meaning as close as possible to “Weissen-rein” (white-free), so as to guarantee the election of a black or Hispanic candidate. A more “honest” way to rig an election would be to simply cancel it, and appoint an “elected” official.
The desperate search for pockets of black and Hispanic voters that this form of racial fixing took, resulted in congressional districts so oddly shaped, that even the Supreme Court threw out some of them a few years ago.
According to cheerleader/reporter Marion Dozier of Florida’s Ft. Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel newspaper, Jackson and other black leaders’ “rejection of the balloting in Tuesday’s presidential election was fueled by a larger concern: The future of the Republic itself.”
Translated from Jacksonese into English, “Voting Rights Act” means, ‘If we win, we win, and if we lose ... we win.’ ‘We’ means blacks, not the Republic.
Indeed, another great republican, Prof. Lani Guinier, an unsuccessful Clinton candidate for Justice Department quota queen (aka head of the “Civil Rights Division,” a post presently illegally held by Bill Lann Lee), has long proposed a Jackson-style gutting of the American political system, such that blacks would receive a “veto right.” This would amount to a racial dictatorship with legalistic trappings.
Another of Jesse Jackson’s criticisms was of the “butterfly ballot” used in the state of Florida.
According to various Gore demonstrators and Jackson, this ballot supposedly caused voters supporting Al Gore to vote twice—once for Gore, and once for Pat Buchanan. Because they voted for two competing candidates for the same office, their votes were disqualified. The demonstrators are demanding the chance to vote again.
The ballot, by the way, was chosen by the state’s Democratic supervisor of elections, Theresa LePore, based on its being easier to read for Florida’s many elderly voters. It had received the blessings of the state Democratic and Republican parties; was used in the 1996 election without any lawsuits demanding a revote (the Gore demonstrators’ man won that time around); and before the 2000 election was published in newspapers, mailed to all voters, and available for study at every polling place before voting. Confused voters could also ask poll workers for help. I happen to think that many of the Florida Gore supporters are lying, and voted for Gore already, but only once. They want to be able to vote for him a second time, in order to get the election “right.” On the other hand, my Mom, a Gore supporter, believes the Gore demonstrators really did vote for Al Gore AND Pat Buchanan for President.
As Jay Leno quipped on The Tonight Show, “People used to be ashamed to be stupid.”
But according to Stanford University professor of public interest law, and former NAACP legal counsel, Pamela Karlan, voters are entitled to be as dumb as they wanna be. Appearing on Ted Koppel’s ABC-TV show, Nightline, on November 10, Karlan opined, “We don’t assume an intelligent, literate voter.”
Translation: Voters have a right to keep on voting, until the Democrat wins. One of Prof. Karlan’s specialties is “legal regulation of the political process,” a euphemism for “the theory and practice of racial vote-rigging.”
Conversely, as Bush campaign chairman, Don Evans, had pointed out on Nightline on November 9, “This is the ballot that the good people of Florida chose, they’ve been used before, they’ve been used across the land.”
And as Bush campaign strategist Karl Rove observed on the same show, “In this country we hold elections for the purpose of electing a President. We don’t continue to hold elections until we get the outcome some people like.”
But is Rove right?
Prof. Karlan would surely disagree. Besides, if a white policeman charged with brutalizing a black man is acquitted in state court, blacks demand and get a second crack at him—the double jeopardy of a political, “federal civil rights trial.” Think Rodney King.
And if black police officers fail the sergeant’s exam, as happened in New York City, they still get awarded the promotion.
By the same token, if black students fail to get the necessary grades or examination scores required by “highly competitive” universities, they get admitted anyway.
So why should a presidential election be any different?